Tóm tắt Luận án The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky from the early 20th century to 1930

The result of study shows that despite limits and dependence on the French capitalists, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s production and business stimulated the development of capitalist economy, synchronously making changes in people’s life and urban appearance of the region. This, once again, affirms that our Party’s guideline to build a multi-sector economy in the transition to socialism is sound and practice-based.

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National library and Library of Ha Noi University of Education 1 INTRODUCTION 1. Reasons for choosing the topic Trung Ky (known as Annam) was the name based on the French division when France set up its domination in our country. According to the Harmand Treaty signed by Nguyen Dynasty and French Colonialist on August 25th 1883, the region of Trung Ky consisted the provinces extending from Quang Binh to Ninh Thuan. After that, in the Patenotre Treaty on June 6th 1884, the French restored Binh Thuan Province in the South, and the provinces of Thanh Hoa, Nghe An, Ha Tinh in the North to the region of Trung Ky. So, at that time, Trung Ky was officially established with provinces, namely Thanh Hoa, Nghe An, Ha Tinh, Quang Binh, Quang Tri, Thua Thien Hue, Quang Nam, Quang Ngai, Binh Dinh, Phu Yen, Khanh Hoa, Phan Rang, Binh Thuan, Dac Lac, Kon tum, Lam Vien and Da Nang as a conceded city. This region includes a lot similarities within it in terms of geographical, natural, social conditions, potential for developing industrial, agricultural, and commercial economic sectors, and attractiveness towards foreign and Vietnamese bourgeoisie. Being impacted by the colonial exploitation and various subjective and objective conditions, together with the whole country’s Vietnamese bourgeoisie, Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky gradually came into beings, developing from a social stratum to a class after the First World War (1914-1918). Right after inception, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky had various forms of operation, positively encouraging capitalist-style entrepreneurship with appropriate modes of business. They unceasingly rose and gradually proved their role and status, on that basis making contributions to the nationalist movement in the early 20th century. The country’s current reform is yielding fruits, especially our participation in the World Trade Organization (WTO), which is vigorously prompting our integration into global economy. Despite favourable conditions, enterprises (both state-owned and private ones) are still confused, not being able to adapt to changes in the new mechanisms of market competition yet. The cause of industrialization and modernization in the region is facing a lot of difficulties. State’s policy on enterprises and entrepreneurs, and the campaign 2 “Vietnamese people use Vietnamese products” still have limitations, not satisfying our expectations. Thus, there should be socio-economic studies of the pre-reform period to draw lessons as reference to the implementation of the above-mentioned policies. Up to now, there have been studies the topic on Vietnamese bourgeoisie in the French colonial period, which were carried out by foreign and domestic scientists, some of which were publicized. However, there has not yet a study specialized on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky in the early decades of the 20th century. Basing on the reality mentioned above, a study on the formation; production and entrepreneurship; the transformation from a social stratum to a social class of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky and their engagement in the national democratic movement in the first 30 years of the 20th century is of valuable significance in both science and reality. Scientifically, it is a deep and comprehensive evaluation of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky regarding their origin, formation, and noticeable features in political and economic activities; making contributions to right evaluation of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in the region and nation’s process of history, drawing lessons for the country’s current industrialization and modernization. Practically, this topic contributes to supplementing and clarifying the assessment and evaluation of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie; providing necessary materials for compiling and lecturing Vietnam’s modern history at university level. For the reasons above, I, the author of the writing, decided to choose the topic “The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky from the early 20th century to 1930” for Doctoral Thesis of History. 2. Study’s subject and scope 2.1. Subject of the study The subject of study is the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky with the relevant issues as its formation, development, activities in economic sectors, participation in the national democratic movement, and characteristics, historical role in the first 30 years of the 20th century. 3 2.2. Scope of study - The thesis studies the first 30 years of the 20th century. - Space of study is the region of Trung Ky according to French division, including provinces of Thanh Hoa, Nghe An, Ha Tinh, Quang Binh, Quang Tri, Thua Thien, Quang Nam, Quang Ngai, Binh Dinh, Phu Yen, Khanh Hoa, Phan Rang, Binh Thuan, Dac Lac, Kon Tum, Lam Vien and the city of Da Nang. - The content of study is limited in the Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s condition, formation, business activities, engagement in the national democratic movement, characteristics and historical role in the process of national history in the first 30 years of the 20th century. 3. Objective and tasks of thesis 3.1. Objective of study It aims to systematically study the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s formation, development; their characteristics and roles in economic, political and social sectors in the first 30 years of the 20th century. 3.2. Tasks of the thesis The thesis has the main tasks as follows: - Analyzing historical conditions and origin of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky in the early 20th century. - Redrawing business system of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky in each concrete economic sector; their participation in the national democratic movement from the early 20th century to 1930. Accordingly, clarifying the success and limitations in activities of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky in the first 30 years of the 20th century. - Basically drawing the characteristics and roles of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky in the first 30 years of the 20th century 4. Material sources and methodologies 4.1. Material sources The thesis is written with various material sources: - Classics of Marxism-Leninism; documents of the Communist Party of Vietnam; writings of President Ho Chi Minh, Party and State leaders. 4 - Documents in the Archives Department of Vietnam No.1 and No.4, the Institute of Social Sciences Information, the National Library, and provincial libraries in region of Trung Ky. The documents, decrees, reports, journals, statistical yearbooks of the colonial administration published in the press at that time. - Published studies related to the thesis, including monographs, reference books, textbooks, articles in newspapers, magazines, journals in French and Vietnamese, recognized master and doctorial theses related to the thesis. - Also, material sources on the Internet. 4.2. Methodologies - On the basis of Marxism-Leninism, Ho Chi Minh thought on classes and birth of bourgeois class. - Mainly using the historical and logical methodologies and the combination of both methodologies. - Also using some other methodologies such as statistical, synergistic, analytical, comparative ones, and so on. 5. The thesis’ contributions The thesis makes contributions as follows: - Systematically presenting on the basis of exploiting and processing collected materials about the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s formation and engagement in the national democratic movement in the first 30 years of the 20th century. - Mentioning and objectively evaluating the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s characteristics and historical roles in the first 30 years of the 20th century. - The results of the thesis mention objective historical awareness that is more specific about the Vietnamese bourgeoisie, thus it can be used for reference to study Vietnam’s modern history, especially political and socio- economic situation of the Trung Ky region and the whole country as a whole in the French colonial period. 6. Thesis layout Apart from introduction, conclusion, reference list and appendix, the main contents are presented in 4 charters. 5 Charter 1 OVERVIEW OF STUDYING THE ISSUE 1.1. The process of study related to the thesis 1.1.1. Studies on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in general Before the August 1945 Revolution, there had been a number of articles that introduced business and production establishments of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie and reflected their voice in the fight for political and economic interest of their class. Typical examples were: “Our current business is worse than the visitors’ business” on Civilizing Daily No.132 December 20th 1921; “For a rich country and a wealthy people, we must use domestic merchandise” on Luc Tinh Newspaper January 19th, 1922. During the period of 1945-1975, studying the Vietnamese bourgeoisie was focused on by historians, thus there appeared many studies on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie. Typically, they were: “Studying the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in the French colonial period” by Nguyen Cong Binh, “On the Vietnamese bourgeois class: opinions on its formation and development” by Minh Tranh and Nguyen Kien Giang; “Seed of capitalism and the development of capitalism in Vietnam” by Dao Trong Tuyen; “Characteristics of the formation of Vietnam bourgeoisie” by M.A. Trescov. Addition to aforementioned studies specialized in the Vietnamese bourgeoisie, there were a number of studies on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in the French colonial period, namely “A reference book on the Vietnam’s modern revolutionary history, volume 4” by Tran Huy Lieu, Van Tao, and Huong Tan; “A discussion about Vietnamese revolution” by Truong Chinh; “Under the Party’s glorious flag, for the sake of independence, freedom, and socialism, we march to new glories” by Le Duan; “Studying the development of Vietnam’s society” by Minh Tranh; “A draft on the developments of Vietnam’ handicraft” by Phan Gia Ben. Moreover, at that time, there were a lot of articles on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie, such as “Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s business activity in the French 6 colonial period” and a series of articles under the title “Situation and characteristics of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in the French colonial period” by Nguyen Cong Binh; “A discussion about the formation of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie” and “Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s characteristics and their role in the revolution for national liberation” by Minh Tranh; “A contribution to studying situation and characteristics of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in the French colonial period” by Dao Hoai Nam. Since 1975 there have been a number of studies on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s business and production, such as “Socio-economic structure of Vietnam in the colonial period 1858- 1945” by Nguyen Van Khanh; “Vietnam’s handicrafts (1858-1945)” by Vu Huy Phuc. Meanwhile, “The development of ideology in Vietnam from the 19th century to the August Revolution: bourgeois ideology and its impotence in historical missions” by Tran Van Giau, and “Vietnam nationalist movement in the fight against French Colonialists (1885-1918)” by Nguyen Ngoc Co were interested in political attitude, activities, and role of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in the national democratic movement in the early 20th century. Besides, on magazines there appeared several articles on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie, such as “Thinking about the national bourgeois class in the past and at present” by Vu Duong Ninh; “Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s making entrepreneurship prosper in the early 20th century” by Tran Viet Nghia; “Tonkin Association of industrial and commercial fellowship and Huu Thanh Journal and the issue on protecting the Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s interests” by Pham Xanh and Nguyen Diu Huong. To conclude, studies on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie mentioned above partly referred to the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky. However, not being monographs on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie, they were not presented in a systematic and comprehensive way the historical condition, formation, business, production, engagement of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of the region in the national democratic movement in the first 30 years of the 20th century. Notably, those studies did not give out the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung 7 Ky’s characteristics and role as well as a satisfactory evaluation on their positive and weak points in the country’s first 30 years of the 20th century. 1.1.2. Studies on Trung Ky’s history, culture, economics, society, revolutionary movements Before the August 1945 Revolution, the number of studies on history, economics, politics, culture, society, and ethnicity of the Trung Ky region in general and of the provinces within the region made by French and Vietnamese authors was not large, but they did refer to the Vietnamese bourgeoisie. Typically, there were a number of studies, such as “L’Annam en 1906”; “Le Thanh Hoa” by Ch. Robequain; “Monographie de la province du Darlac 1930” by A.Monfleur; “Geography of Kon Tum province” on Nam Phong Magazine; “The old records of An-Tinh” by Hippolyte le Breton; “Geography book of Phu Yen province” by Nguyen Dinh Cam and Tran Si; “Les province de l’Annam (Phu Yen) 1907”; “Province Binh Dinh”; “Province de Nghe An 1907”. Moreover, there were articles on some of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s production establishments, method of business, typically “Sugaring occupation in Quang Nam, Quang Ngai” on Entrepreneurship People’s Newspaper; “Les camions à gaz pauvre de bois sur la route de Vinh à Thakhek” on L’Eveil Economique Magazine; and articles on economics and transportation in Trung Ky and Vinh; on sugar cane planting in Nghe An and Trung Ky on Making Indochina Economics Prosperous Maganize. Since 1945, the number of studies on different historical angles of Trung Ky region in general and its provinces in particular has been rather plentiful and various in terms of genres including books, articles, theses. In which they referred to the number, production, business, engagement in the national democratic movement of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in the French colonial period. Typically, there were “Duy Tan movement” by Nguyen Van Xuan; the Proceedings of the international science workshop called “100 years of the Dong DU movement and Vietnamese-Japanese cooperation”. Studies on the history of provinces in Trung Ky, such as “Thanh Hoa in the period 1802- 8 1930” by Thanh Hoa provincial committee for history study; “History of Ha Tinh” by Dang Duy Bau; “The formation and development of Vinh city (1804- 1945)” by Nguyen Quang Hong; “History of Danang city” by Duong Trung Quoc; “History of Quy Nhon city” by Do Bang; “History of Phu Yen 1900- 1930” by Nguyen Van Nhat; “100 year history of Phan Thiet town (1898- 1998)” by Truong Quoc Minh; “Geography book of Gia Lai”, “Geography book of Dak Lak”. Besides, we need to mention monographs on Trung Ky provinces’ economics over historical periods, such as “A draft on Thanh Hoa’s economic history (from primitive age to 1945) by Pham Van Dau; “Nghe An economics from 1885 to 1945” by Nguyen Quang Hong, all of which outlined the Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s production and business in economic fields. Theses on history and economics of Trung Ky’s provinces, such as “Thanh Hoa’s plantations in the French colonial period (1900-1945)” by Nguyen Thi Hanh; “Thanh Hoa city’s formation and development from 1804 to the August Revolution 1945” by Nguyen Thi Thu Ha, referred to the Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s production, business, and participation in the national movement. Generally speaking, studying the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in general, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky in particular has been carried out early at home and abroad. Considering these groups showed us that to some extent, they referred to the basic issues of the thesis: First, these theses basically clarified the origin and birth of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie, however there were different opinions on the time they developed into a social class. Second, these theses generalized the development of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in each French colonial period closely attached to the French colonial policies in the economic field. Accordingly, they pointed out positive and negative impacts of the French economic policies on the development of the class. 9 Third, they mentioned, at various degrees, the activities of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in political and socio-economic fields in the French colonial period. Fourth, these groups initially made comments on the characteristics of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s business activities, and pointed out their political attitude before the Communist Party of Vietnam’s establishment (1930). The preceding scientists’ results of study, varied and rich, mentioned the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in the French colonial period, but in general there have not yet been any theses specialized and systematic in the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky in the first 30 years of the 20th century. Moreover, studying and evaluating the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s characteristics and role in that period were not mentioned much in their theses. Nevertheless, they are sources of materials which are significant and suggestible so that we could choose and form the direction of study. Also, they are valuable materials for the implementation of the thesis. 1.2. The issues concentratedly clarified by the thesis Considering the theses on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie in the French colonial period, we could realize that there have not yet been any theses systematic and comprehensive on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky in the first 30 years of the 20th century. This fact has provided us with a lot of things to study in our thesis systematically and comprehensively as follows: First, analyzing historical context and political, socio-economic, cultural, and ideological conditions for the formation and development of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky in the first 30 years of the 20th century. Accordingly, we could have satisfactory and objective assessment on the conditions’ impacts on the development of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie, particularly the policy of rule of the French colonialist in the region of Trung Ky. Second, studying the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s business activities and their participation in the national democratic movement in the 10 first 30 years of the 20th century associated with the French colonialist’s economic policies in specific historical periods: from the beginning of the 20th century to the first World War (1914) and from the first World War (1914- 1918) to 1930. Third, drawing and correctly evaluating the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s position and role in the process of national history in the three first decades of the 20th century; clarifying limitations in their business activities and political attitude in the above-mentioned historical periods. Chapter 2 THE VIETNAMESE BOURGEOISIE OF TRUNG KY FROM THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY TO THE BEGINNING OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR (1914) 2.1. The formation of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky 2.1.1. Historical conditions for the birth of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky 2.1.1.1. International conditions In the middle of the 20th century, colonialism speeded up its invasion of non-capitalist countries, making them markets for products consuming and material providing; at the same time, destroying the traditional economy, accelerating the existing seeds of capitalism within these countries. Meanwhile, in the Southeast Asia countries, national bourgeois class was also born, taking in the new ideology, developing the national economy, and carrying out the struggle for national independence. While “the bourgeois class dominated globally” and developed quickly in the neighboring countries, the birth of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky was neither too early nor suitable for the trend of the times. 11 2.1.1.2. Domestic conditions - Economic conditions + Goods production has developments. + Merchandise trade and movement on the market was strengthened. - Social conditions The differentiation of merchant force occurred more quickly and strongly. Few of them became rich, or the owners of factories, a number of others became bankrupt and employed by the owners. The first colonial exploitation increased the number of poverished and depleted peasants and craftsmen. This is an objective condition for capitalism to develop and the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky to be born. - Cultural and ideological impacts When society and economy had positive changes, bourgeois ideologies from France continuously impacted our country and created favourable conditions for the birth of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky. 2.1.2. The formation of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky In the early 20th century, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky appeared and became a part in the region’s structure of social classes. However, the origin of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky was not homogeneous, resulted from the historical characteristics of the country in general and the region of Trung Ky in particular. It could be said that the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky originated from: - First, manufacturers. - Second, merchants. - Third, rich landlords. - Fourth, contractors. - Fifth, progressive patriotic intellectuals and mandarins. 12 2.2. Production and business 2.2.1. Fields of production and business 2.2.1.1. Industry and handicraft It was the French consistent guideline that they would not develop industry in colonial country. However, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky tried to start their business in industries appropriate for the existing conditions. Thus, in the early 20th century, there were a number of bourgeoisie who ran business in the fields of sugar production, weaving, pottery. However, the number of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie running business in Trung Ky’s industrial field was very small. They only tried to enter a number of industries that had been once the region’s traditional handicrafts; they were absent in modern industries. It is obvious that these bourgeoisie’s economic potential was not as strong as the French capitalists’. 2.2.1.2. Commerce In comparison to industry, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s activities in commerce was more prosper. A number of bourgeoisie founded their own companies, speculating one commodity or many to supply for domestic market. Others specialized in purchasing agricultural and handicraft products for export. Typical ones were Bach Hung Nghiem, Phuong Thanh, Nguyen Dinh Khue and so on. It was a feature in the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s commercial activities that there appeared business associations with many people’s capital investment. Typical ones were Trieu Duong Business Association, Quang Nam joint business company, Phuong Lau company, and so on. Initially, these associations were small business shops, gradually establishing their branches in nationwide provinces, and developing into companies. Alongside their main commodity, they traded many other extra commodities, thus their capital increase rather quickly. 13 2.2.1.3. Agriculture In the early 20th century, trading agricultural products appeared; capitalism entered Trung Ky’s rural areas. At that time, there appeared here a number of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie running business in agriculture. Typical one was Hoang Van Ngoc in Thanh Hoa province. 2.2.1.4. Transportation This field of business was new to the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky, first appeared in the region. However, in the early 20th century, there appeared a number of bourgeoisie running their business in this field, typically among which were Pham Van Phi, Hao Hung, Minh Tam, and so on. Those bourgeoisie started up with establishing garages in centres of the cities. After having enough capital and experience, they bought vehicles for their business. 2.2.1.5. Field of contractor As the French invested in Trung Ky, the number of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie running their business as contractors increased; typical ones were Bui Huy Tin, Nghe Phung, Nghe Mai, Nge Gia, and so on. They carried out contracts from the French such as roads, bridges, military bases, ferries, railways; providing and supplementing provision and materials for the French, or being foreign commodities agents. 2.2.2. Forms of production and business In the beginning of their business, for not having much capital and experience, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky ran their business in different ways. Each kind of business came from various needs, thus brought about different results. In general, there were three main kinds of production and business as follows: - First, separate production and business. - Second, associated production and business. - Third, cooperation with the French. 14 2.3. The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky and patriotic movements in the early 20th century While the national movements at home and in the region were high, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky took part in and made certain contributions to the patriotic movements like Dong Du and Duy Tan movements. Those activities demonstrated the patriotism of the people who lost their national independence; together with other social walks of life, they provided an important social for the formation and vigorous development of the patriotic movement towards the country’s bourgeois democracy in the early 20th century, being the first national movement in the Vietnam’s modern national history. However, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie were not the force who launched and led the patriotic movements, they engaged in as a part of followers, their activities had not yet come from the class awareness against its oppositional forces. In fact, they were responses of the people who lost their country in the face of a great movement for national liberation in the early 20th century. Chapter 3 THE VIETNAMESE BOURGEOISIE OF TRUNG KY FROM 1914 TO 1930 3.1. The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky from 1914 to 1918 3.1.1. Historical context When the first World War broke out, the French colonialist adopted a number of reform in politics and changed its policies on economic sectors. Despite the fact that changes in French ruling policies were compulsory, aiming to stabilize the situation and mobilize colonial countries’ potential for their war, those policies created necessary objective conditions for the nationwide Vietnamese bourgeoisie in general and the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky in particular. 15 3.1.2. Production and business From 1914 to 1918, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky seized the rare opportunity created by the first world war to strongly develop their production and business. It was best clearly manifested in expanded production and business, increased capital in companies, factories, business associations, and the appearance of many new factories, companies, shops in the provinces of Trung Ky. In a number of fields of commerce, manufacturing industry, highway transportation, there appeared the Vietnamese bourgeoisie who had large capital, employed rather many labours, and expanded their business beyond the region of Trung Ky. However, in Trung Ky’s social structure, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie were only a social stratum, not yet developed into a real social class; even a much smaller social stratum in comparison to the foreign bourgeoisie and the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Tonkin an Cochinchina. This was manifested in the fact that the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky did not yet appeared in the modern technique or mechanic production fields as well as the high-capital fields such as mining, printing, river and maritime transportation, glass production, oil paint production, and so on. 3.1.3. Participation in patriotic movements Like the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of other regions, when the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky became stronger in economic potential after the war, they would surely wish for political interests. Nevertheless, as their economic potential was still weak, and there did not yet appear big bourgeoisie like those in Tonkin and Cochinchina, that wish was the “desire” only. During the first world war, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky did not yet published any newspapers as their own voice. Not any of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky raised a voice to fight for the rights of the Vietnamese people in general and their class in particular. This partly shows the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s foible and bad capability in comparison to those of Tonkin and Cochinchina. Apparently, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s level of 16 participation in the patriotic movements depends on their economic status in the country’s economy in general and the Trung Ky’s in particular. 3.2. The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky from 1919 to 1930 3.2.1. New historical conditions - Improved infrastructure to a new height - increased number of employees 3.2.2. The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s maturity After the end of the world war, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s economic potential unceasingly increased. This was manifested as follows: First, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky engaged in many business sectors, including important ones. Second, expanded manufacturing premises, strengthened business activities, and accumulated capital. With outstanding progress in production and business, the class awareness appeared clearly. On this basis, they combined with the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Tonkin and Cochinchina to become the Vietnamese bourgeois class, a new social class, after the end of the first World War. 3.2.3. Production and business After 1919, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s production and business was expanded in larger scope. They ran business in most of the economic sectors. A number of bourgeoisie owned rather great property such as business companies, transportation companies, a number of factories with hundreds of labours. It is worth noting that, in this period, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s production and business accounted for the largest market proportion in a number of business sectors such as silver and gold business, fish sauce production. The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky began to take part in important, mechanic industries, which had been once exclusive to the French capitalists 17 such as bulb production, electricity, cast iron refining, soap production, river transportation, and so on. However, up to 1930, in many sectors, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky could not engage in. Also, a number of bourgeoisie failed in the competition, becoming bankrupt, or they had to sell their factories for foreign bourgeoisie, for example, Le Viet Loi, Pham Van Phi, and Hoang Van Ngoc. 3.2.4. Engagement in the national democratic movement In this period, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky fought against foreign bourgeoisie’s policy to block them regarding economics, fighting for freedom and democracy for their own. These contents were manifested in the struggles, such as the struggles to make business prosper; to encourage the use of domestic goods; to oppose exclusiveness in ports, export and import of some commodities; the struggles in cultural and ideological fields in various forms. The Vietnamese bourgeoisie began to intentionally use press and take part in the industry and business associations with a view to raising their voice, demonstrating their wish; also, to following the movement to make business prosper, propagating business experience, and calling for solidarity in the competition with foreigners. All of which proves that the Vietnamese bourgeoisie became a social class after the first world war. Chapter 4 THE VIETNAMESE BOURGEOISIE OF TRUNG KY’S CHARACTERISTICS AND ROLE IN THE FIRST 30 YEARS OF THE 20TH CENTURY 4.1. The characteristics of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky is a part of the Vietnam bourgeois class, thus first and foremost, they bore the common characteristics of the Vietnam bourgeois class, even had similarities with native bourgeois 18 class in the Asian countries. However, for differences in origin, political and socio-economic characteristics of each region, and the level of French colonial exploitation impact, those similarities of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky were manifested in different degrees, even there were differences between them, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Tonkin and Cochinchina, and the regional countries’ bourgeoisie. It was shown as follows: First, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky were born later than the regional countries’ bourgeoisie such as those in India, China, the Philippines, Indonesia. Second, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s production and business were always impacted by the French colonialist’s dominating policies. Third, when newly born, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky were divided into 2 parts whose economic position and political attitude were different: national bourgeoisie and compradors. Fourth, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky had heterogeneous origin. Fifth, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky engaged in production and ran their business in many different sectors, mainly commnerical sector, few in important industries. Sixth, scope of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s business was large, but they had a low economic position in the region’s general economy; being a smaller force than the foreign bourgeoisie and the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Tonkin and Cochinchina. Seventh, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s engagement in the national democratic movements was not so outstanding as those of Tonkin and Cochinchina. 4.2. Historical role of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky 4.2.1. Concerning economics The activity of production and business and the movement to make national economy prosper, affirming the Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s desire for 19 building a national capitalist economy that was less dependent on the French and foreign bourgeoisie, laid the foundation for the development of the national capitalist economy in the region of Trung Ky; at the same time, fighting to protect it, replacing the backward and sluggish feudalist economy that had been existing for a long time in this region. In their production and business, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky clearly showed their ambition of integrating the region’s economy into the international economy. It aimed to develop the national capitalist economy in Trung Ky and the whole country to catch up with the world’s major countries. Proactively “making business prosper” and strengthening competitiveness to build an independent economy is a deep manifestation of national self- reliance. Those activities considerably improved the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s capitalist foundation and a part of population’s life; strongly increasing the number of the potential Vietnamese bourgeoisie, developing the economic thought of the Vietnamese people, deepening the commerce- respected spirit in most of the people from all walks of life in Trung Ky. However, the formation and development of capitalist economy in Trung Ky and the country as a whole could not be at the same level as developed Western countries and regional countries like Japan and India, even the regions of Tonkin and Cochinchina. Trung Ky, like other regions nationwide, witnessed the appearance of capitalist economy and its changes in urban or industrialized areas such as Vinh-Ben Thuy, Hue, Da Nang, Quy Nhon, Phan Thiet. In large rural areas, especially mountainous areas and Central Highlands, capitalist economy did not yet develop. 4.2.2. Socio-political aspects The Vietnamese bourgeoisie’s support for the patriotic movements of Trung Ky in the early 20th century partly contributed to the movements’ result; at the same time wakening national awareness and patriotism, opposing the backward feudalist thought, especially the thought of respecting mandarins, despising merchants and business in the building of the country. 20 Together with other forces such as city dwellers, feudalist patriot landlords, progressive bourgeois intellectual were the social basic forces of the early 20th century’s patriotic movements. They made contribution to inventing a new-orientation patriotic movement- the first national movement in the national modern history. The clearest manifestation of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s contributions to the national democratic movement after the first world war was that they had specific actions prompted by their class consciousness. Despite the fact that those struggle were not initiated by the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky, and aimed to claim their class interests, this, to some extent, showed the anti-imperialist spirit, making contributions to changes in the Vietnam’s national democratic movement after the first world war; at them same time, contributing to preparing the land of Vietnam for Nguyen Ai Quoc to sow the communist seed in. Nevertheless, due to their low economic status and certain economic connection with imperialist and feudalist, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky were not determined and resolute enough to fight the French imperialist and the feudalist. Therefore, they could not form a political party of their own, or introduce a sound revolutionary guideline, or attract peasantry class for alliance; thus, they could not lead the revolution. CONCLUSION Basing on the result of study, we come to concluding points as follows: 1. In the early 20th century, international and domestic conditions for the birth of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky appeared. They had different social origins. They were merchants, factory owners, rich landlords, mandarins, intellectuals, etc. Right after their inception, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky engaged in business of various sectors. However, they rarely engaged in modern industries. The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky had various 21 creative ways to run their business in line with their capital, organizational experience and management. “Buy commodities in production premises, then sell them to every single person” was the motto for most of the bourgeoisie in order to get high profit and competitiveness in comparison with foreign bourgeoisie. From 1919 to 1930, being positively impacted by the first World War and the second colonial exploitation cause, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky vigorously rose in business. They involved in important economic sectors; founding rather large factories and commercial companies. Thus, the process of capital accumulation was accelerated, competitiveness in the market was also strengthened better than the previous period. 2. The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky were born in a colony, depending on a lot of external factors apart from internal ones, first and foremost the French ruling policies. Also, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s origin was heterogeneous. All of which decided the characteristics of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky. As a social class, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky class was born later than those in the regional countries such as China, India, and the Philippines. In the colonial semi-feudal economy, imperialist economic part was dominant. With its exclusive policy, the French colonialist took all the blood vessels of the regional economy, containing the economic development of native capitalists; monopolizing the market to unequally trade for the highest profit. Besides, the French colonialist intentionally maintained and developed the feudal economy and feudal way of exploitation to contain the development of national industry. Before the French colonial period, capitalism was at a start, but the it was contained by the French and feudal vestiges. That is the reason why the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s economic status was low, and basically they just operated in business instead of industry. It was shown in the fact that the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s business was dominated by the French capitalists in all aspects, from market 22 and material to machines and position in industries. In comparison with economic strength of French, Chinese resident, Tonkin, and Cochinchina bourgeoisie, that of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky was much lower. Compared with the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Tonkin and Cochinchina, those of Trung Ky’s inferiority was manifested in every aspect, from capital, scope of production, number of labours, profit to technique of production. Unlike Tonkin and Cochinchina, Trung Ky did not have great famous bourgeoisie. 3. In the activity of production and business, in spite of being blocked and contained by the French capitalists and feudalist economy, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky had economic connection with the two forces. On the basis of economic interests and connection with French capitalists, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky, very early, were divided into 2 parts: national bourgeoisie and compradors. In their business, nation-ness were sometimes not homogeneous in many Vietnamese bourgeoisie, the trend of becoming compradors rose after the first world war, especially after 1942 when French capitalists speeded up colonial exploitation. They were commercial branches for the French capitalists, taking on contracts from colonialist government’s works and jobs, having shares with foreign capitalists in factories. This reflects the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s dependence on the French capitalists, and it was the reason for unavoidable limits of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie when taking part in the national democratic movements. Their production and business only focused on urban areas, particularly the places that had convenient infrastructure and concentrated French industry such as Vinh-Ben Thuy, Da Nang, Quy Nhon. In large rural areas, especially mountainous areas in which commerce and industry were underdeveloped, infrastructure were not convenient, and the thought of agriculture respecting were still popular, there were a very small number of bourgeoisie running their business. Therefore, the number of Vietnamese bourgeoisie in the Trung Ky and the country as a whole was smaller than that of peasants, petty bourgeoisie, 23 and landlords; accounting for a small proportion in the structure of social classes in the French colonial period. 4. Right after being born in the early 20th century, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky actively engaged in production and business. Those activities were accelerated after the first world war. It was those activities that led to the formation and development of a national capitalist economy in the region of Trung Ky. The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky gave birth to and developed a number of new economic sectors that never existed before. Many industries appeared, handicraft production went beyond the framework of family production, agriculture production for daily life became production of goods for market. Industry appeared, commerce developed strongly, transportation developed rather strongly, agriculture was integrated into a commodity economy, attaching its production to market. All of which gave the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky a certain economic status in the whole regional economy, contributing to improving a number of people’s life in the region of Trung Ky. 5. In the first 30 years of the 20th century, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky, apart from production and business, engaged in the national democratic movements. Their participation in the national movement did not occur after the class consciousness appeared (after 1919), but right in the early 20th century when they were a small social stratum in Vietnam. Being attracted by the intellectual-led national movements, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky supported the movements of Dong Du and Duy Tan with material. From 1919 on, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky involved in the national democratic movements as a revolutionary patriotic force. For their class consciousness, they strongly raised their voice to protect and fight for political and economic interests of their own. Accordingly, they fought for national interests. That struggle reflected differences between them and French capitalists, and also their economic relations with and dependence on French capitalists in all aspects. To conclude, their attitude towards the issues of the 24 national democratic revolution was unclear, irresolute, negotiable. As they could not found a political party for their class or introduce a proper and sound revolutionary guideline, they fail in the competition for leadership with Vietnam’s workers class. In comparison with national bourgeoisie in a number of Asian countries and the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Tonkin and Cochinchina, those of Trung Ky’s activity in the national democratic movements in the early 30 years of the 20th century was still fuzzy. This reflects the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s lower economic strength than those of the two other regions. 6. The result of study shows that despite limits and dependence on the French capitalists, the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s production and business stimulated the development of capitalist economy, synchronously making changes in people’s life and urban appearance of the region. This, once again, affirms that our Party’s guideline to build a multi-sector economy in the transition to socialism is sound and practice-based. However, the development of that type of economy must be governed by socialist orientation. In order to develop the economy as a propeller for other fields, our Party and State should have open policies in all areas such as administrative procedure, tariff, disbursement of investment capital; strengthening investment in infrastructure; creating favourable environment for business and fair competition; treating all economic sectors including state and private ones equal. Only by carrying out all of these can we encourage the development of all economic sectors, enriching our country; quickly developing the force of production, accelerating the cause of industrialization and modernization; making our country an industrial country by 2020; at the same time, creating a firm condition for the whole country to move forward socialism in the nearest future. LIST OF AUTHOR’S SCIENTIFIC STUDIES RELATED TO THE THESIS 1. “The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s business in the first 30 years of the 20th century” by Nguyen Van Phuong (2012), University- level scientific study, Code: T2012.374.45, University of Quy Nhon, taken over in December 2012. Its result: good. 2. “A study on the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s origin in the French colonial period” by Nguyen Van Phuong (2014), Science Journal - University of Quy Nhon, Volume No.8, page 21-28. 3. “The Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s production and business from the early 20th century to 1914” by Nguyen Van Phuong (2014), Da Nang Journal of socio-economic development, Da Nang institute for socio-economic development, Issue No.54, page 49-56. 4. “Characteristics of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s business from the early 20th century to 1914” by Nguyen Van Phuong (2014), Proceedings of the 4th scientific workshop for young cadres from nationwide pedagogical colleges, Hanoi university of education publisher, page 294-301. 5. “Changes in the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky’s business from 1914- 1930” by Nguyen Van Phuong (2015), Southeast Asian Studies Journal, Institute for Southeast Asian Studies, Issue No.2 (179), page 29-36. 6. “Role of the Vietnamese bourgeoisie of Trung Ky in the first 30 years of the 20th century” by Nguyen Van Phuong (2015), Party History Journal, Institute of Party History - Ho Chi Minh National Academy of Politics, Issue No.3, page 62-65. 7. “Characteristics of the Vietnamese bourgeois in Trung Ky 30 years in the early twentieth century” by Nguyen Van Phuong (2015), Southeast Asian Studies Journal, Institute for Southeast Asian Studies, Issue No.6 (183), page 48-54. 8. “Vietnamese bourgeois in Trung Ky in the nationalist and democratic movement in the firt 30 years of the 20th century” by Nguyen Van Phuong (2015), Education reasoning Journal, Ho Chi Minh National Academy of Politics, Issue No.231, page 63-66.

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